Morocco is gearing up for its elections this Wednesday, a political event that is expected to be heavily influenced by widespread voter abstention. The key issues troubling the electorate, especially among the youth, include soaring unemployment rates, the high cost of living, and the quality of public services. While these elections might seem distant from the Canary Islands, they are of significant importance to this archipelago located just off the Moroccan coast, as its migration realities are intricately linked to the developments within Morocco. The country serves both as a source and transit point for migrants aiming to reach the Canary Islands, making its political climate highly relevant to the region. The ongoing economic difficulties and lack of opportunities are compelling many Moroccan youths to seek a new life in Europe, while others express their disillusionment by distancing themselves from the electoral process.
Political analyst Moisés Ruiz, a professor at the European University specializing in political leadership, notes that “there will be a high level of abstention.” This trend has been evident since 2016, and it is anticipated that the current elections will see even lower participation. The Justice and Development Party (PJD), which held power until 2021 and is known for its Islamist orientation, is expected to face significant challenges, with its support considerably diminished compared to previous elections. Such a decline in political backing could bode well for Spain and the Canary Islands, as it might facilitate better relations on crucial issues such as migration, security, and economic cooperation. Meanwhile, the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) appears to be gaining traction, especially following the recent political involvement of Fouzi Lekjaa, the head of the Moroccan Football Federation, which might correlate with the country's passion for football and the upcoming 2030 World Cup that Morocco will co-host with Spain and Portugal. Ultimately, it will be the king who decides the appointment of the new president.
Furthermore, there is a looming threat of a mass influx of migrants into Ceuta coinciding with the elections, a concern heightened by an incident in July when approximately 80,000 individuals crossed the border illegally within two days. This situation has been a focal point throughout the electoral campaign, along with Morocco's long-standing claims over the autonomous cities. In response, the Moroccan Armed Forces have intensified their border surveillance, and Spain's Foreign Minister, José Manuel Albares, has indicated that the government is actively collaborating with Rabat to thwart any attempts at illegal entry.
Participation statistics reveal a concerning trend: voters aged 18 to 24 account for a mere 4% of the electoral roll, while those aged 60 and older make up 29%. Although these figures illustrate the demographic composition of potential voters, they do not provide insight into the actual turnout rates for each age group. The anticipated abstention is poised to send a significant message about the Moroccan society’s frustrations with the current political landscape, reflecting a growing disillusionment with the status quo. Ruiz emphasizes that “young people are becoming increasingly detached from politics in Morocco.”
A total of 27 political parties are vying for 395 seats in the House of Representatives, yet the election outcomes are unlikely to herald any major shifts in Morocco's foreign policy, as the king retains the authority to appoint key ministers, including the Foreign Minister, who plays a vital role in the strategic domains of the monarchy. Ruiz describes the expected results as indicative of “absolute continuity,” although some shifts might occur in sectors like Justice or the Economy.
Another critical question is the representativeness of the electoral results. In Morocco, pre-registration is mandatory for voting, and out of approximately 26 million eligible citizens, only about 16 million are registered. Should a substantial portion of these voters opt not to participate, the election results will reflect only a limited segment of the Moroccan populace. Additionally, the large Moroccan diaspora in Spain faces challenges in exercising their voting rights from abroad.
The youth discontent was vividly demonstrated during a wave of protests led by young activists that swept through major Moroccan cities in October 2025. Thousands of young individuals took to the streets in several coordinated demonstrations, organized primarily through digital platforms under the movement dubbed Genz212—a blend of 'Generation Z' and Morocco's country code. The demands articulated during these protests echoed the same grievances prompting many to emigrate towards the Canary Islands: the lack of opportunities, precarious job conditions, political corruption, deteriorating healthcare systems, and deficiencies in the educational framework.
Ruiz acknowledges that “young people have little faith in the reforms or changes that these elections might bring.” Nonetheless, efforts have been made to implement regulatory reforms aimed at enhancing the political participation of those under 35, a demographic heavily affected by clandestine migration. These measures include revising and simplifying the requirements for candidacy, thereby facilitating greater political representation. Financial incentives have also been proposed for those opting to run for election, potentially covering up to 75% of campaign costs. Despite these initiatives, the gap between the youth and political engagement in Morocco continues to widen.
As reported by laprovincia.es.
