Reassessing Spain's Relationship with Morocco
The historical context surrounding Spain's transfer of the Sahara to Morocco, alongside Mauritania—which subsequently withdrew from its territorial claims—has long fueled discussions regarding Spain's diplomatic stance towards Rabat. Advocates for Moroccan interests have frequently justified their position by citing a supposed "buffer of interests." The premise was simple: the more economic ties established between the Moroccan monarchy and Spain, the less likely Morocco would engage in aggressive actions against Spanish territories such as Ceuta and Melilla, obstruct fishing rights for Canarian and Andalusian fishermen, or act unilaterally in the region. However, this notion masks a troubling reality—namely, that appeasing Rabat with financial incentives is akin to the historical miscalculations made by Moctezuma in dealing with Hernán Cortés. This strategy has primarily benefited select Spanish entrepreneurs rather than creating a stable geopolitical environment. Fortunately, the Moroccan sultans have not demanded young maidens in exchange for their goodwill.
In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks in 2001, the dialogue shifted towards "security." Spain was led to believe that Morocco's cooperation was essential in combating jihadism, despite the fact that Moroccan nationals represent the largest demographic among those apprehended for terrorism-related offenses in Spain, including the 2004 Madrid train bombings and the 2017 Barcelona attacks. This partnership has faltered, as evidenced by the numerous pardons granted by King Mohammed VI to a wide range of criminals, including murderers and jihadists, thus undermining the narrative of mutual security.
A Proposal for Assertive Measures
More recently, the rationale has evolved to include the need for Moroccan assistance in managing illegal immigration. Indeed, the Moroccan Gendarmerie and military have been instrumental in directing migrants towards border fences, ultimately benefiting European interests. Meanwhile, Rabat continues to receive substantial financial support from Europe, which often circulates back into European economies, as evidenced by King Mohammed VI's purchase of a lavish property in Paris for 80 million euros.
Spain's relationship with Morocco has been marred by further indignities, such as Morocco's refusal to clearly delineate its borders in its Constitution and its failure to adhere to existing international agreements, including the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation and the Readmission Agreement for illegal immigrants. Given that diplomatic niceties and a submissive approach have not yielded a respectful coexistence, it may be time for Spain to reconsider a more assertive strategy, reminiscent of its actions during the Perejil incident in 2002, when it enjoyed the backing of the White House.
To that end, a comprehensive list of measures is proposed, focusing on Morocco's primary sources of income, including drug trafficking—where Morocco is recognized as the world's leading hashish producer by the UN—remittances from its expatriate population, and agricultural production. Proposed actions include: demanding accurate labeling of agricultural products indicating their Sahrawi or Moroccan origin; enforcing strict import controls on agricultural goods entering Spanish ports to ensure compliance with EU health standards; halting all Spanish International Cooperation Agency projects with Morocco while urging the EU to follow suit; withdrawing public funds from Spanish NGOs collaborating with Moroccan entities; and actively combating drug trafficking in the Strait of Gibraltar by permitting the Civil Guard to fire upon smuggling boats.
Additionally, the proposal suggests imposing fees on remittances sent by Moroccans to their home country, banning money transfers to Moroccan families receiving public subsidies, and verifying the residency status of Moroccans receiving public assistance in Spain. Other recommendations include suspending the naturalization processes for Moroccan citizens, halting Arabic and Moroccan cultural education programs to prevent indoctrination, and restricting visa issuance for students and medical tourism, particularly targeting members of the Moroccan elite. Furthermore, imams funded by Morocco should be required to align their teachings with Spanish laws regarding women's rights and religious tolerance, under threat of expulsion or legal action.
Those questioning the legality of such measures must remember that similar sanctions have been applied to Russian citizens and businesses by EU nations in response to the invasion of Ukraine, with the consent of European institutions. Ultimately, the most definitive action Spain could undertake would be to formally recognize the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, a move already made by over 80 countries and the African Union. Although such a declaration would likely provoke a response from the uncompromising Moroccan regime—one that has shown little regard for the lives of its own citizens during military operations—it is crucial to ponder the implications of such threats. Historically, Morocco has demonstrated a blatant disregard for Spanish sovereignty and borders, indicating that the sultan has far more to lose than Spain itself.
As reported by okdiario.com.
