The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) is encountering significant challenges as it embarks on its electoral campaign for the legislative elections scheduled for September 23. This phase is marked not only by the electoral stakes at hand but also by the party's overall performance and the outcomes that have emerged during the preparation for these elections. In recent times, the party has experienced a series of resignations and departures among several leaders and prominent figures, with some leftist individuals opting to join other political parties. This trend reflects a notable decline in the USFP's ability to maintain its position as a leading force within the Moroccan left and to attract influential members from its political and historical milieu.
Despite the party leadership presenting its list of candidates as a manifestation of renewal and openness towards new competencies, a closer examination of the submitted names alongside those of significant figures who have departed or chosen to participate in upcoming elections under different banners paints a more complex picture. The USFP, which has been one of the key political symbols of the Moroccan left for decades, now appears to be struggling to retain individuals who have amassed considerable organizational and activist experience within its ranks. Meanwhile, a segment of leftist figures is seeking alternative political avenues, whether within the framework of the new left alliance or in competing parties.
The case of Abderrahmane Khairat exemplifies this transformation, as the historical USFP leader and a prominent name associated with the party's memory and youth chose to join the Progressive Socialist Party in February after a long-standing estrangement from the USFP, culminating in a 'point of no return' with the party's secretary-general, Idriss Lachgar. Khairat stated in an interview with the national channel that his decision was the result of political consultations and that he became convinced of the impossibility of continuing within the USFP, highlighting the deep rift that had characterized his relationship with the party in recent years.
The indicators of this exodus are not limited to historical symbols; recent weeks have witnessed a series of resignations linked, to varying degrees, to the management of nominations and electoral lists. The USFP's political bureau accepted the resignation of Rjaâa Al-Baqali Al-Tahiri and announced the departure of Maryam Jamal Al-Idrisi from the party, amidst controversy surrounding the results of the regional list selection process. While the party asserts that the procedures were conducted in accordance with its statutes and internal regulations, the individuals involved have provided differing interpretations of how those rules and standards were implemented.
The situation deepened further with the resignation of Salwa Al-Damnati, a former political bureau member and current parliamentarian, who announced her departure from the party and its organizational structures on August 31 after criticizing the management methodology and organizational and political choices. In a similar vein, the departure of Ammar Hamza, the former regional secretary for the USFP in Wazan, to the Authenticity and Modernity Party, accompanied by several party members, was officially announced at the end of August. This move is significant, given Hamza's prior organizational role within the USFP and the timing of his departure as parties prepare to reorganize their local bases ahead of the elections.
Is the Moroccan Left Surpassing the Socialist Union?
The challenges facing the USFP extend beyond mere loss of names; they raise a deeper question about the party's position within the broader landscape of the Moroccan left itself. A striking paradox in the 2026 elections is that part of the discussion regarding the future of the left no longer revolves around the USFP's ability to lead this current but rather on the emergence of new centers of attraction that may compete for leftist talents and figures. In this context, the establishment of the 'Left Alliance' between the Unified Socialist Party and the Democratic Left Federation on June 3 provides a new political framework explicitly stating its desire to unify part of the leftist diaspora and contest the legislative elections with a joint political project. Both parties have confirmed that this is not merely a temporary electoral coordination but a political alliance aimed at building a democratic and progressive alternative and overcoming the fragmentation that has characterized the left in recent years.
On the other hand, the USFP has struggled to realize its declared 'project' of an alliance with the Progressive Socialist Party, announced in 2023, as this process quickly stalled. Notably, both parties share a stronger historical common ground as members of the 'democratic bloc' and collectively secured a total of 56 seats in the 2021 elections, with 34 for the USFP and 22 for their counterparts. Now, the USFP's list presents itself in a different light; despite its geographical expansion and inclusion of numerous districts, the names capable of garnering national attention seem relatively limited, primarily including Abderkareem Benatiq, a former minister and well-known figure within the party, and Hassan Lachgar, the party's candidate for the Rabat-Shalla district, who gained prominence mainly due to being the son of the secretary-general.
The debate surrounding the nature of this list intensifies given that the USFP itself has relied, in several regions, on attracting politically experienced individuals from outside the party. For instance, in the Marrakech-Safi region, several names presented previously belonged to other parties before joining the USFP, reflecting a strategy of attracting political 'nomads.' Among the notable figures in this context are Ahmed Al-Toumi, Hamid Al-Akrud, Abdul-Samad Akdash, and Abdelghani Kamel. This paradox raises a significant political question: Has the USFP, historically a training ground for activists and leaders, increasingly relied on attracting ready-made names from outside its organizational structure, while some of its own members and leaders move towards other parties?
While Idriss Lachgar asserts that 77% of local list representatives are new faces and the party aims to prioritize youth, women, and competencies, this narrative faces scrutiny regarding the meaning of renewal, which no longer seems to stem from within the USFP but rather as a substitute for organizational deficiencies. Lachgar has faced severe criticism for sidelining 'actual' USFP members in favor of electoral faces in pursuit of parliamentary seats, which has led to a renewed focus on rebuilding the party, similar to the situation in 2021 with the former regional secretary of the USFP in Tangier-Assilah, Ahmed Yahya, who opposed Lachgar's bypassing of local organizations in candidate selection, leading to a legal conflict between the two.
This point is central to understanding the transformations within the USFP. The party no longer possesses the same momentum or extensive reservoir of leadership and activists that once constituted its organizational, trade union, and intellectual extension. Furthermore, many figures historically associated with the USFP's line have become distanced from the party or are no longer part of its decision-making circles. Additionally, membership in the USFP no longer appears to be an obvious choice for many new leftist figures, as alternative frameworks emerge, presenting themselves as spaces for rebuilding the left on more unified foundations.
As reported by assahifa.com.
