The emergence of the first Arab publishing houses coincided with the dawn of the 19th century, marked by the establishment of several specialized institutions in major cities of the Arab East, such as Cairo, Beirut, and Baghdad. These institutions quickly engaged in the dissemination of knowledge and culture. Notably, the Bulaq Press in Cairo was founded by Muhammad Ali in 1820, followed by the Jesuit Press in Beirut in 1840, and the Bustani Press inaugurated by Butrus al-Bustani in 1850.
In Morocco, the advent of the lithographic press was delayed until the reign of Sultan Moulay Hassan (d. 1894), who received a gift from judge Muhammad Tayeb al-Roudani, a Moroccan pilgrim, who had purchased it from Turkey. Additionally, France, which occupied Algeria in 1830, imported modern printing presses in French for administrative and propaganda purposes.
From Rejection to Institutional Development
If we were to limit our analysis to the history of printing in Morocco, we would have to consider the thesis by Iraqi scholar Fawzi Abdul Razak at Harvard University, published under the title "The Kingdom of the Book: A History of Printing in Morocco" (1990). In this book, he documented the Moroccan stance towards technology from the Christian West and their reluctance to embrace modern printing, fearing potential distortions and alterations to the sacred text of the Quran. However, it is important to note that Moroccans recognized the significance of printing as early as the 16th century, when its contributions reached them through travels and diplomatic missions.
This principled stance did not prevent them from engaging with printing achievements through reading and circulation, even developing professional practices that yielded some income. The early 20th century saw the publication of a newspaper in Tangier titled "Lisan al-Maghrib," which served as a voice against the French-initiated "Journal of Happiness," opposing the policies of the Moroccan Sultan. Following this, printing was utilized to transcend the traditional structure of the Moroccan education system by publishing textbooks and enhancing pedagogical methods, laying the groundwork for the spread of reformist ideas and bolstering national awareness.
Following Morocco's independence in 1956, the publishing movement experienced a prolonged stagnation due to the absence of necessary infrastructure, such as printing presses, publishing means, and distribution mechanisms, which adversely affected production capacity and the quality of publications. The lack of professional competencies, including editors and designers, played a significant role in this situation, alongside a limited book market stemming from low readership, widespread illiteracy, and insufficient education systems. Lastly, the scarcity of libraries that could promote books once they were published compounded these challenges.
However, in the 1960s and 1970s, a number of Moroccan publishing houses emerged, albeit few in number and modest in their contributions, attempting to revitalize their role in enhancing the cultural and literary landscape and preserving national identity. While information about their publications is scarce and inconsistent due to the lack of comprehensive digital documentation and minimal online presence, notable early establishments include Dar al-Thaqafa in Casablanca, founded by Lebanese Nizar Fadel at the onset of independence, and Dar al-Kitab, created by Moroccan nationalists around the same time. These were followed by the Moroccan Publishing House established by Moroccan journalist Muhammad Barada in the mid-1960s, which became one of the most active and enduring publishing houses. The 1980s witnessed the launch of several prominent national publishing houses, including Ikhwan Publications (1981), Banasher Foundation (1982), East Africa House (1983), Toubkal House (1985), and Phoenix House (1987). The 1990s culminated in the emergence of notable publishing houses such as Dar al-Aman (1991), Dar al-Boukili (1993), and Dar al-Salaiki (1994).
The increasing proliferation of publishing houses in Morocco did not, however, facilitate smooth printing and distribution processes due to various objective challenges primarily arising from the nascent experience and lack of material resources and technical skills. Thus, the publishing sector required a concerted effort from both individual and institutional players to pave the way and prevent the exacerbation of field-related difficulties.
Publishing Crisis: From Reader to Author
Among the manifestations of the publishing crisis in Morocco, many of which persist today, is a multifaceted issue involving the author, the publisher, the distributor, and ultimately the reader, who represents the last and weakest link in this interconnected chain. It is prudent to begin with the reader, as they are, in our view, the pivotal element in the publishing process.
The decline in reading culture across various age groups can be attributed primarily to a significant drop in purchasing power, making books increasingly inaccessible not just for marginalized groups but also for the middle class. This has been exacerbated by a decline in cultural media dedicated to promoting books, contrasting sharply with previous times, which has hindered the revitalization of the book cycle encompassing printing, publishing, distribution, and reading.
Statistics indicate that the average Moroccan reader spends no more than 35 dirhams annually on purchasing cultural books, positioning Morocco in a low global rank (33) in reading, according to the International Assessment of Educational Progress (2022). This underscores the previously mentioned weak reading upbringing, primarily rooted in the deteriorating state of public education.
Authors themselves experience increasing isolation and lament the lack of interest in their works, which have diminished in profitability compared to past years. Where once authors received a quarter of the cover price from publishers after the publication and distribution process, they are now often required to contribute to printing costs and receive only a limited number of copies as compensation.
This situation has led many authors to turn to self-publishing, which requires them to bear the full cost of printing, currently exceeding 3000 dirhams for 100 copies of a single book, with the best-case scenario offering a profit margin of only 15% to 20%, due to the limited marketing opportunities resulting from distribution monopolies. Consequently, authors find themselves compelled to pursue alternative routes.
Some venture into individual distribution of their self-published works, often facing exploitative distribution practices from companies (charging over 50% of the cover price) or frugal arrangements with bookstores and kiosks (25%). In both cases, the condition of returned copies typically deteriorates, rendering them unsuitable for resale or reading. Others resort to pre-print sales, relying on friends and acquaintances willing to purchase the book before its release, as a means to assist the author with printing and distribution challenges, albeit without any guarantees. Some authors approach Arab publishing houses, only to encounter additional issues such as undefined timelines for printing and distribution and a lack of compensation, no matter how minimal.
The Ministry of Culture, which seems at first glance to demonstrate insufficient commitment to supporting this sector, actually follows a long-standing policy aimed at accompanying publishing processes through various initiatives designed to encourage authorship and publication. This includes providing annual financial support for cultural projects and ensuring that books are made available to the widest possible audience at reasonable prices.
The list of beneficiaries from this official initiative extends to several sectors: providing publishers in the cultural and educational fields with an annual grant that this year exceeded 200 million dirhams (over $22 million), supporting distributors to participate in Arab and international fairs to promote Moroccan books with over four million dirhams, and aiding cultural magazines with around one million dirhams. Additionally, substantial funds are allocated to support publishing for the visually impaired, bookstores, ensuring Moroccan authors participate in author events, and contributing to the launch and modernization of electronic cultural magazines.
Nevertheless, the efforts exerted by the ministry have not escaped criticism and scrutiny, particularly regarding the fact that these funds are primarily allocated to publishers, rather than directly benefiting authors, who are the primary stakeholders in need of support. Consequently, Moroccan publishing houses have become reliant on annual funding before proceeding with their operations, contrary to the expectations of profit-driven enterprises. The ministry justifies this choice, citing legal constraints that compel it to exclusively engage with economic institutions (publishers) rather than authors, due to the challenges of holding them accountable in cases of contractual breaches.
Meanwhile, authors criticize the ministry for lacking a system to monitor publishers regarding the prices they set for books, which are often excessively high and misaligned with readers' purchasing power. They also point to the absence of oversight on the number of copies published, which may not correlate with the amount of support granted to the publishing house. In the absence of such oversight, abuses of various kinds are likely to occur, with readers being the ultimate losers.
Publishers themselves voice concerns about a range of obstacles they believe diminish the effectiveness of their efforts and hinder communication with readers. Chief among these are rising printing costs, which include the high prices of paper and raw materials, as well as design and printing expenses. This directly impacts the selling price of books to the public, leading to an overwhelming commercial focus on publishing, particularly in the realm of educational materials.
As reported by fikr.com.
