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U.S. Strategy Priority: Cutting Off Iranian Influence from Morocco to the East

PUBLISHED May 4, 2026
U.S. Strategy Priority: Cutting Off Iranian Influence from Morocco to the East

U.S. Diplomatic Efforts to Curb Iranian Influence

The American administration is currently leading intensive diplomatic efforts, in coordination with the United Nations, to resolve the longstanding Maghreb conflict before the end of the year. Central to this initiative is the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2797, which grants the Sahara region autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty while dismantling Tindouf camps and facilitating the return of their residents to their homeland. American sources indicate that resolving this dispute, which has persisted for over fifty years, has become a strategic priority in Washington. This classification stems not only from the potential benefits for Maghreb interests but also due to its direct connection to U.S. national security across three intertwined contexts: the Middle East, Africa, and the Southern Mediterranean. Ongoing tensions in the region create fertile ground for the expansion of Iranian influence, necessitating a proactive approach from the United States.

Strategic Intersections and Regional Stability

Significantly, there is a notable synchronization between the commencement of negotiations between Lebanese and Israeli delegations, facilitated by President Trump, and the convening of closed sessions at the UN Security Council concerning the Sahara issue. These sessions, held on April 24 and April 30, focused on ending the conflict and dismantling the camps, as well as disarming the "Polisario Front," which has been accused by certain American entities of receiving training and weapons through channels linked to Hezbollah, despite the lack of verified evidence for these claims. While the Arab East and North Africa may differ in details and contexts, they intersect within a new strategic security framework that the U.S. is rapidly establishing. This framework is founded on a singular principle: limiting engagement and negotiations to legitimate states and governments while excluding non-state actors—whether armed factions with religious affiliations or politically motivated movements claiming legitimacy outside internationally recognized institutional frameworks—from major settlement equations.

In this regard, Iran is viewed as a supporter of Hezbollah, indicating that the Lebanese arena has become a pawn in a broader regional equation that does not necessarily serve Lebanon's intrinsic interests. Regarding the Western Sahara issue, some analytical circles have raised questions about the nature of the relationship between Tehran and the Polisario Front, particularly given the historical tensions between Iran and Morocco, especially post-Iranian revolution.

Ultimately, it appears that Washington prefers to engage directly with Rabat and Algiers as the original parties in this protracted dispute, where the remnants of the Cold War intertwine with regional power dynamics between two competing neighbors. This path reflects a U.S. conviction that any lasting settlement can only be achieved through direct engagement with the involved parties, away from external influences, regardless of their nature.

European capitals recognize that "stabilizing Lebanon and resolving the Moroccan Sahara dispute could weaken Iranian influence throughout the Middle East and North Africa." Paris believes that strengthening the legitimate state in Lebanon, launching reconstruction projects, and revitalizing the economic, political, and tourism roles of the Cedar country to pre-1983 levels would enhance security, stability, and prosperity in the region. In the Maghreb, resolving the Sahara issue opens the door to reviving the historical integration project long envisioned by successive generations.

Sources close to the situation suggest that reaching a resolution to the North African conflict, which has lingered without resolution for half a century, would alleviate burdens on the U.S. administration regarding more complex regional issues, primarily reducing Hezbollah's ground influence and allowing for a more independent Lebanese role in the new Middle Eastern framework being outlined by Washington. Republican Senator Ted Cruz warned that the growing network of Iranian relations with armed factions in the Sahel and North Africa could transform the region into a breeding ground for armed models similar to the Houthis in Yemen. Cruz argues that strategically defeating Iran necessitates first dismantling its regional extensions and neutralizing traditional resistance states in its vicinity, including Algeria.

The recent developments in the Sahel region underscore the intertwined stakes associated with this geography; violent confrontations occurred in northern Mali between the Malian army and a militia coalition that includes the separatist "Azawad Movement" and elements from the "Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin." These clashes have resulted in hundreds of casualties and enabled these factions to capture cities and villages in the north, following the withdrawal of Russian Wagner Group forces from the area. This war cannot be isolated from its broader context; the region has become a stage for proxy conflicts intersecting with the agendas of various international and regional powers, all eyeing mineral wealth, energy resources, and strategic trade routes. This dynamic links security in the Sahel to broader equations extending from the European Mediterranean shores, which are keen on securing energy and migration pathways, to Washington, which is seeking to redraw the map of influence across the entire region.

As reported by majalla.com.

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